Written by Mehdi Oghbai Six-minute read More than four months into the confrontation involving Iran and the United States, the conflict appears to have entered a decisive phase. The central question is no longer simply how much military damage either side can inflict. It is whether Tehran can turn prolonged confrontation into a political instrument of survival — or whether sustained economic isolation will expose vulnerabilities that military strikes alone have failed to exploit. The Iranian regime’s leadership has sought to portray its posture around the Strait of Hormuz as evidence of strength and strategic leverage. By threatening shipping and placing pressure on one of the world’s most important energy corridors, Tehran appears to calculate that it can eventually force Western governments to choose economic stability over confrontation. At the same time, the political and military restructuring described inside Iran points towards preparation for continued confrontation rathe...
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Mojtaba Khamenei’s New Appointments; Aims and Consequences
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Fixing the Shaky Nails of the Hereditary Caliphate to Save the Sheikh and Shah Establishment Amid Intractable Crises against the Inevitable Uprising of the Iranian People
By Reza Hoseani
Introduction: A Hereditary Monarchy Called Velayat The transfer of power in the Velayat-e Faqih system has always been its Achilles’ heel. Ali Khamenei, who himself ascended to Khomeini’s chair through Rafsanjani’s engineering and the elimination of Ayatollah Montazeri, is now trying to repeat the same scenario but in a familial and hereditary form. Mojtaba Khamenei, a son who grew up throughout his father’s 35-year sultanate in the security shadow of the Beit, relying on a network of eulogists, interrogators and corrupt IRGC generals, today sits as “King Mojtaba” on the throne of absolute sultanate without a single day of war record, management, or clerical legitimacy.
The difference in authority between him and his father is from earth to sky. Ali Khamenei came at least with a record of presidency, membership in the Revolutionary Council and decisive support from power gangs in 1989. But Mojtaba has no place even among the regime’s inner gangs. According to many insider sources, in the recent handpicked Assembly of Experts of his own father, a significant number of regime clerics refused to pledge allegiance to him and gave abstention or negative votes. What seated him on this fake position with minimal cost was not political or religious legitimacy, but two factors: the vacuum caused by the war situation and physical elimination of the first layer of commanders, and the creeping coup of the IRGC which chose him as the weakest yet most dependent option to preserve its trillion-dollar economic interests.
His first act to hammer the shaky nails of his leadership is what every newly empowered dictator does: extensive purges and appointments at the top of the military-security pyramid.
Mojtaba’s War Cabinet; A Fistful of Aged Executioners The recent appointment of 6 military leaders is not a repair but a complete purge and planting of elements personally loyal to Mojtaba’s Beit:
1. IRGC Ahmad Vahidi – Commander-in-Chief of IRGC: A well-known figure in international terrorism. Former Quds Force commander before Qasem Soleimani and main suspect in the 1994 AMIA Jewish center bombing in Argentina with an Interpol red notice. He was Interior Minister of Raisi the executioner. His appointment means full return to terrorism export strategy.
2. Maj. Gen. Ali Abdollahi – Chief of General Staff: One of the oldest executioners of the 80s. His name is directly tied to the massacre of Mojahedin political prisoners in Rasht prison during the 1988 massacre. Symbol linking the 1988 massacre generation with 2022 and 2025 generations.
3. Mullah Hossein Taeb – Head of Basij Organization: The most corrupt and criminal intelligence cleric. Former head of IRGC Intelligence specializing in fabricating cases against internal rivals, suppressing dissidents and designing chain murders. His return as Basij head means full securitization of this force for urban uprising suppression.
4. Brig. Gen. Kioumars Heidari – Deputy Chief of General Staff: A subservient element whose task is coordination between the impotent army and IRGC to prevent any split at uprising moment.
5. IRGC Ali Azmaei – Commander of IRGC Navy: An element to control Strait of Hormuz and continue maritime piracy as blackmail leverage.
6. Maj. Gen. Mostafa Izadi – Deputy Commander-in-Chief of IRGC: From old gang loyal to Mojtaba who for years was responsible for collecting intel on IRGC commanders inside the Beit.
This composition shows King Mojtaba does not even trust the youth and new generation of IRGC and is forced to resort to the oldest and most infamous executioners.
Strategic Goal: Imposing Absolute Hegemony over Rebel Gangs Mojtaba’s goal is not increasing combat power against foreign enemy but all-out war for survival inside. In absence of main dictator, various gangs are scrambling for shares. The gang of Masoud Pezeshkian and fake reformists trying to be regime’s safety valve through election theater are now under severe pressure from new Beit to know that time of rent-seeking is over. The other gang is IRGC defectors and corrupt technocrats symbolized by Ghalibaf. This gang which saw itself as real owner of economy and municipalities is now disarmed and receives clear message: either absolute surrender or physical elimination and case fabrication by Taeb.
Thus these appointments are nothing but hammering loose nails of hereditary sultanate throne and declaring martial law inside regime itself to counter disintegration.
Inevitable Result: Pounding Water in Mortar Amid Intractable Crises Mojtaba Khamenei wants with this military lineup to survive an uprising far bigger, more radical and more organized than 2017, 2019 and 2022 uprisings, but this effort is doomed because he is trapped in multi-layered deadlock:
1. Legitimacy Deadlock: He is heir to blood of 1500 martyrs of Nov 2019, 750 martyrs of 2022 uprising and thousands of executions after that by his father. Now he himself adds daily to this disgrace with new wave of executions. Execution weapon which was supposed to be survival weapon has turned against itself.
2. Economic-Military Deadlock: Regime faces over 50% inflation, 120,000 Toman dollar and 40% budget deficit. Bombing of sensitive military and nuclear centers in recent war dismantled armed forces and elimination of first layer IRGC commanders created vacuum not filled by old men like Vahidi.
3. Regional Deadlock: Terrorism export strategy and proxy doctrine collapsed. Hezbollah in Lebanon disarmed and weakened, Hamas and Houthis in weakest status, no more strategic depth.
In such situation, reliance on 6 infamous leaders is not sign of power but sign of absolute horror and isolation. Mojtaba Khamenei lacks charisma, lacks social base and even lacks full support of inner gangs.
Final result is clear: neither Taeb’s suppression nor Vahidi’s terrorism can stop will of a nation. The establishment of this Velayat hereditary sultanate will not be dismantled by foreign intervention but by hands of Iranian people and nationwide organized resistance expanding daily. This overthrow is inevitable and recent appointments only accelerate its countdown.
About the Author Reza Hoseani Writer, Analyst, Iran Affairs Expert, Human Rights Activist and Advocate for the Rights of Women, Children and Political Prisoners.
Reza Hoseani has been writing on political and social developments in Iran and the Middle East for over two decades. His main focus is on strategies to contain the Iranian regime’s warmongering and to support the Iranian people’s democratic movements.
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